■蔡英文(右)主動致電特朗普,只是想挽救插水的民望。 資料圖片【原文】美國總統當選人(President-elect)特朗普與台灣當局領導人蔡英文通電話,中國外交部就此向美國有關方面提出嚴正交涉。特朗普此舉馬上招來美國國內的諸多批評(immediate backlash),民主黨全國委員會將這次通電批評為「愚蠢的電話」。而蔡英文在其中更充分暴露了其所謂兩岸三項原則-「溝通、不挑釁、沒有意外」-的虛偽和欺騙本質(hypocritical and dishonest nature)。
民望插水 圖創外交「政績」救命
蔡英文的電話秀只是台灣當局自欺欺人的一齣鬧劇,目的是借美國總統新舊交替(presidential transition),利用美國外交政策調整之機,企圖干擾( thwart )中美關係發展的大局。
電話事件後,特朗普在推特(Twitter)上表示,是蔡英文主動致電向他表示祝賀。有傳媒分析稱,蔡英文是想鑽特朗普欠缺從政經驗的空子(taking advantage of ),故伎重施耍起了小聰明,更圖謀將此當成自己外交突破的「政績」。觀察家注意到,蔡氏在島內的聲望已經出現「死亡交叉」,對其兩岸政策(cross-strait ties)的不滿意度已經達到47.8%,滿意度只有41.2%,蔡英文正是利用特朗普作自己的救命稻草(lifesaver)。
從歷史和現實來看,一個中國原則是中美關係的政治基礎,早已寫入中美3個公報(joint communiqu�ms),歷屆美國政府非常清楚中國政府在台灣問題上的底線,相當了解觸碰這條底線可能帶來的後果( consequences)。這就是為什麼特蔡通電話後,白宮馬上出來澄清將繼續「信守一個中國政策(one-China policy)」。
美不可能犧牲中美關係大局
中美關係在美國總統換屆之時產生波動(volatile)其實並不鮮見。美國新當選總統在競選期間和就任之初發表一些不恰當的言論,早已有之。如2001年小布什就曾發表過「不惜一切代價協防台灣」的論調,但歷任美國總統上任後,在認識到「台獨」的破壞性影響後,就立刻面對現實,努力遏制「台獨」分裂勢力。
特別是現在的中國國際地位早已今非昔比,中美關係和實力對比亦有了很大的轉變,相信任何一個理性的美國領導人(reasonable leader),均不可能犧牲中美關係大局來配合台灣當局的「小動作」(petty actions)。即使蔡英文執迷不悟,拒絕回到一個中國、「九二共識」的正軌,這些「小動作」亦根本改變不了一個中國的事實。 (標題及小標題為編輯所加) (摘錄自文匯報社評5-12-2016)
Tsai-Trump phone call in vain to affect one-China policy
【譯文】The Chinese Foreign Ministry has lodged a formal protest over a call between U.S. President-elect Donald Trump and Taiwanese leader Tsai Ing-wen. Speaking directly with Tsai, Trump drew an immediate backlash within the U.S., with the Democratic National Committee blasting Trump for making "a foolish phone call".
Meanwhile, the actions of Tsai has also exposed the hypocritical and dishonest nature of her so-called cross-strait policy of "communication, no provocation, and no surprises".
Tsai hopes to save plunging support rate
Taiwan might have thought it could capitalize on the U.S. presidential transition and its subsequent shift in foreign policy to thwart China-U.S. ties. In reality, however, the whole telephone conversation has been nothing more than a farce.
Immediately after their conversation, Trump stated on Twitter that it was Tsai who initiated the call. Media reports suggest that Tsai was trying to take advantage of Trump's political inexperience to make up an achievement out of her "diplomatic breakthrough".
Observers have also noted that Tsai's approval rating on the island has become dangerously low, as 47.8 per cent of respondents to a survey said they were not satisfied with her performance on handling cross-strait ties while only 41.2 per cent said they were satisfied. Obviously, Tsai was using Trump as a lifesaver.
From a historical and realistic point of view, the one-China principle was clearly written on the three joint communiqu�ms and has long been the political foundation of Sino-U.S. relation. Previous U.S. administrations knew very well the limits of China over the Taiwan issue, and the consequences of testing such limits.
US will uphold one-China policy
Therefore, the White House promptly reassured China that the U.S. will uphold the one-China policy after Trump's phone call with Taiwan's leader.
In fact, this is not the first time Sino-American ties have seemed to become volatile during the U.S. presidential transition. Donald Trump is certainly not the first President-elect to have made inappropriate comments regarding China. For instance, George W. Bush said in 2001 that the U.S.would do "whatever it took to help Taiwan defend herself" in any event of attack by China.
Nonetheless, every single U.S. president turned out to have done whatever it took to contain "Taiwan independence", after they realized the devastating effects of alienating the island from China.
As China's significance on the international stage continues to grow, the balance of power between China and the U.S. has shifted considerably towards the Asian giant. Any reasonable head of the U.S. would never anger China by consorting with Tsai's petty actions. Even though Tsai refuses to acknowledge the one-China principle and the "1992 Consensus", she can never alter the fact that there is only one China in the world.■Jeffrey Tse [ywc_jeffrey@hotmail.com]
Learning Point
文中提到中美3個公報,是指中國政府與美國政府共同簽署的3個外交公報。3份公報分別為《上海公報》、《中美建交公報》及《八一七公報》,其中《上海公報》是一個中國原則首次獲美方表示認知(acknowledge),並促使中華人民共和國與美國建交的重要里程碑。
至於《八一七公報》,其全名為《中美就解決美國向台出售武器問題的公告》,主要圍繞中方要求美國停止對台售武。與此同時,美國與台灣亦作出6項保證(Six Assurances),內容以曖昧態度主張美國對台灣主權的立場沒有改變,亦承諾不會為停止對台售武設定限期,不會修改《台灣關係法》。